DO NOT CONDEMN THEM

(Why the "Palestinian state" is bad for the Arabs)

(Part 1 of 3)

By Boris Shusteff

It is almost a forgone conclusion these days that a Palestinian state should be established on the lands of the West Bank and Gaza. Hardly anyone questions this assumption. After all, it seems only natural, since many Palestinian Arabs live there. However, though no one would try to build a skyscraper on any plot of land without first conducting a proper survey and geodesic work, doing a special traffic study and other pertinent investigations, this incomparably much more complicated task of state-building is approached absolutely irresponsibly.

The world has known countless historical examples of forcing unworkable solutions on people and nations. Born of noble-sounding politically correct slogans, these solutions culminated in disasters at the price of millions of innocent lives. Just recall the clamor all over the world for democracy in Congo and compare it with today's ethnic strife and civil war raging in the now Democratic Republic of the Congo. The price of this "democracy" is evident from a recent demographic study by the International Rescue Committee, which reported that during the last five years "between three million and 4.7 million people in Congo have died ... mostly from hunger and disease thought to be preventable during peace time" (1).

Let us take another example, this time of a struggle against "colonial injustice." Not long ago, Zimbabwe was productive enough to feed the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. In 2000 Zimbabwe's president Robert Mugabe started to evict white farmers from their farms, in order to return land to dispossessed black farmers. As a result, the country's once-prized national herd dwindled from 1.4 million to 125,000 heads in three years, the level of inflation in December 2003 reached 620%, and unemployment now hovers near 70%. The number of people in Zimbabwe requiring food assistance "... will rise to 6.2 million from January to March of 2004, taking the total [in need of food aid] to well over half the country's population" (2).

These essentially genocidal crimes do not seem discourage the world community from continuing with new experiments. A particularly ill-fated one is the intent to squeeze several million destitute Palestinian Arabs into two tiny disconnected parcels of land and label this entity a "viable, independent Palestinian state." This author has already presented some major problems with the viability of this artificial pseudo-state in "The Stillborn Palestinian State," written in May 2002 [http://www.freeman.org/m_online/jun02/shusteff1.htm]. However, it is extremely important to understand that the establishment of such an entity, first and foremost, presents an existential threat to the Palestinian Arabs themselves. We will concentrate here on two aspects of this threat: the inevitable moral demise of Palestinian society and the total economic non-viability of this artificial entity.

First, let us briefly trace the bloodstained history of the Palestinian Arab leadership, and examine the effect which this has had on the Palestinian Arab society of today. For many years the Palestinian Arabs have been used as cannon fodder for the destructive political ambitions of their leaders. They have been kept in refugee camps in sub-human conditions with only one purpose -- to breed hatred against Jews, who "usurped their land." For decades they have been incited to see the Jews as their archenemies. And while occasionally hope glimmered that coexistence between the Palestinian Arabs and the Jews might be possible, the rule of Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) has made the situation irreversible.

The severity of the injustice that has befallen the Palestinian Arabs derives from the simple fact that the PLO, which has been given carte-blanche by the international community to rule over the Palestinian Arabs in West Bank and Gaza, always was and still remains a terrorist organization, capable only of murder and destruction. It did not matter to Arafat and his PLO whom to kill. Whether the victims were Moslems, Christians or Jews, the PLO basked in killings.

In fact, the more free rein the PLO was given, the more disastrous were the results. The first case was Jordan, in September of 1970, when the PLO under Arafat's command tried to usurp power from the Jordanian king. In the ensuing massacre several thousand Palestinian Arabs were killed (Fatah reported that 30,000 fedayeen perished, while the official figure given by the Jordanian army was 1,500).

After this failed uprising, Arafat and his PLO fled to Lebanon, where they immediately set about their next attempt to gain power. Their activities succeeded in plunging Lebanon into a civil war that lasted from October 1970 through November 1976. Thus, Arafat and the PLO played a key role in the destruction of the Switzerland of the Middle East (as Lebanon was called). "Out of a population of 3.2 millions, some 40,000 people, perhaps more, had been killed, 100,000 wounded, 5,000 permanently maimed, and 500,000 displaced from their homes. About 300,000 Lebanese had fled to other lands" (3).

In spite of this barbaric history, the PLO and Arafat were given a free hand again in 1993, under the Oslo Accords. We are all witnesses of the destruction and devastation that has followed after their latest ascension to power. Just the last three years have seen over 3,400 Jews and Arabs killed and more than 30,000 maimed and wounded in the war unleashed by the PLO. We are not even taking into account the economic disaster that has befallen the Palestinian Arabs, with skyrocketing unemployment, pervasive corruption and widespread poverty.

However, the worst and most devastating blow throughout the past ten years was struck against the moral fabric of the Palestinian Arab society. A thirst for killing and death was ingrained into the souls of the people, who became slaves of the PLO's regime. Over two million people delivered to Arafat's control under the Oslo Accords were daily and nightly bombarded with messages promoting hatred and glorifying death in PLO-controlled newspapers, radio and TV stations, and schools.

The first victims of this incessant campaign became children. It is therefore no surprise, that after watching videos provided by Itamar Marcus of Israel-based Palestinian Media Watch, New York Senator Hillary Clinton said that the Palestinian Authority is engaged in "horrific abuse of children." Poll results gathered by Palestinian Arabs show that "72% of the children sampled from all the districts of Gaza expressed the hope of becoming Shahids in the confrontations..."(4). In a different poll, "79-80% of the children expressed willingness to be Shahids" (5).

Just one example from Marcus's documentary will suffice to underline the poll results. In June 2002, official Palestinian Authority TV interviewed two 11-year-old girls. Among other topics they spoke of their personal yearning to achieve Shahada, or martyrdom -- Death for Allah. As one of the girls said: "The children of Palestine have accepted the concept that this is Shahada, and that death by Shahada is very good. Every Palestinian child aged, say 12, says 'Oh Lord, I would like to become a Shahid'" (6).

While it is understandable that the vulnerable minds of children are easy prey for the PLO's and other terrorists' "martyrdom" campaign, the concurrent desire of parents to see their children dead is shocking. Truly frightening statistics come from poll results gathered by the Palestinian Center for Public Opinion (PCPO) in October 2003 among adult Palestinian Arabs in West Bank, and eastern Jerusalem. The poll showed that 18.2% (!) of them "believe that it is important to raise a child to be a Shahid [or martyr]." That means that nearly every FIFTH mother or father dreams of death for their children!

Of course, they do not want their children simply to be killed. They want them to die while killing Jews. The Jews are an obsession for the Palestinians, and the popularity of terrorist groups depends on how successfully they inflict death upon Jews. This tendency was clear from elections to the student governing body at Bir Zeit University (considered to be the most liberal of the Palestinian higher education Institutions), conducted in December 2003. Hamas won 25 seats of the 51 on the council, Fatah took 20, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) - a radical PLO faction - won five and the lesser-known People's Party got the remaining seat.

Ludna Abdel Hadi, a university spokeswoman said that, "The Bir Zeit elections are like a barometer to measure the political mood on the Palestinian street" (7). This barometer clearly points towards a poisoning of the Palestinian society by pervasive hatred, because "the election campaign focused on which party killed more Israelis. ... At a debate, the Hamas candidate asked the Fatah candidate: 'Hamas activists in this university killed 135 Zionists. How many did Fatah activists from Bir Zeit kill?'"(8).02/17/04

 

http://www.zimbabwesituation.com/jan4_2004.html#link2

 

Fred Bridgland, "Beef herd nears extinction," The Washington Times, Jan. 5, 2004.

Jillian Becker, The PLO. St. Martin's Press, New York, 1984 p.13

"Sout Al-Nissa"-Voice of the Women, Al-Ayyam, January. 24, 2002

PA official daily, Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, June 18, 2002

"Letter of the People", PA TV, June 9, 2002

Hamas wins West Bank Election. Associated Press. 12/10/03

Boris Shusteff is an engineer. He is also a research associate with the Freeman Center for Strategic Studies.

 

 

 

DO NOT CONDEMN THEM

(Why the "Palestinian state" is bad for the Arabs)

(Part 2 of 3)

By Boris Shusteff

Thoughts of killing and being killed, which for decades have been drummed into the heads of Palestinian Arabs by the likes of the PLO, Fatah, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad, have become so engraved in the fabric of society, that even in a hypothetical situation when all Palestinian national aspirations are met, many are unable to stop wishing for the murder. A poll conducted among Palestinian and Israeli Arabs in late September, 2003 by two polling firms, the Public Opinion Research of Israel and the PCPO, revealed that 59% of poll respondents want Hamas and Islamic Jihad to "continue their armed struggle against Israel even if Israel leaves all of the West Bank and Gaza, including east Jerusalem, and a Palestinian state is created [!]" (8).

The propaganda of hatred in the Palestinian society is not limited to Israel and Jews only. Although, since the beginning of the Oslo process, America has donated more than a billion dollars in aid to the Palestinian Authority, and Bill Clinton was the most outspoken world leader in promoting the idea of an independent Palestinian state, hatred towards America has also been drummed non-stop into the heads of Palestinian Arabs.

Even after president Bush's trip to Aqaba in June 2003, in an attempt to revive stalled Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, Shaykh Ibrahim al-Mudayris, in a sermon from the Shaykh Ijlin Mosque, the main mosque of Gaza, broadcast live by Palestinian radio and TV stations on June 13, prayed to God, "O God, punish our enemies. O God, destroy those who have harmed us. O God, destroy those who harm Muslims. ... . O God, destroy the United States and its allies."

The surrealism of the situation is complete and unbelievable. On June 3, 2003, at a time when all major American television networks were transmitting George W. Bush's pledges of unequivocal support for a "Palestinian state," Internet news groups were distributing Meg Bortin's article "Poll: Muslims lament Israel's Existence" published in International Herald Tribune. The article talked about a poll conducted by the Pew Global Attitudes Project, which, between April 28 and May 15, surveyed almost 68,000 people across 20 countries and in the territory under the Palestinian Authority including 15,494 people in the Middle East.

The survey demonstrated that today the highest anti-Americanism exists in Jordan (a majority of its population are Palestinian Arabs), where 99% of the people have a "somewhat or very unfavorable opinion of the United States" and in the Palestinian Authority, where hostility towards America is at 98%. Or, put another way, virtually ALL Palestinian Arabs express open and widespread hatred towards America, at a time when the American President promises to reward the very people who hate him and his country with another state.

The situation is not encouraging. An optimist might hope that things might change for the better in the future, but there is not much to support that idea, either. Brainwashed by frenzied anti-Israeli and anti-American propaganda, Palestinian Arabs strive to continue fostering a culture of hatred among their children as well, ensuring the continuity of violence for the next generation. The respondents of one of the polls were told to assume that "a peace agreement is reached between the Palestinian side and Israel and a Palestinian state is established that is recognized by Israel." After that they were asked if they would agree to "adopt a school curriculum in the Palestinian state that recognizes Israel and teaches school children not to demand the return of all of Palestine to the Palestinians." The results cannot be more revealing: 42.5% opposed and another 45.1% strongly opposed adopting such curriculum.

These numbers should not surprise anyone. If a culture of anti-Semitism is flourishing in both Egypt and Jordan at a time when both countries have peace treaties with the Jewish state, why should a future PLO pseudo-state be different? And it does not matter whether or not Arafat departs from the scene. Terrorist groups will still dominate the surrogate entity-state. The December PCPO poll shows that Arafat's murderous Fatah, which is currently supported by 25.3% of those polled, loses ground to a combined coalition of more radical terrorist groups: Hamas -- 20.1%, Islamic Jihad -- 4.5%, PFLP -- 2.5%. The ideological grip of terrorist groups on the Palestinian society is so strong that even the CIA recognized the complete lack of readiness to compromise among the Palestinian Arab leaders. It "recently reached the conclusion that it is highly unlikely to see before 2020 a Palestinian leadership ready to make the necessary concessions for reaching a comprehensive agreement with Israel" (9).

It is hard to guess what criteria the CIA used in evaluating the status of Palestinian society, but one thing is clear -- it completely missed the link between the time it expects terrorist groups to continue dominating this society and the damage that they will inflict on it during this time. Twenty more years of hatred and incitement cannot possibly result in a leadership "ready to make concessions." Somehow the causal relationships between the preceding ten years and their violent consequences have passed unnoticed on the CIA's radar screen.

Nevertheless, these ten years have left irreparable damage on the mentality of the Palestinian Arabs. Hundred and twenty months of blatantly criminal rule have transformed a generation of Palestinian Arabs into a generation of brainwashed suicidal machines. Dr. Shafiq Massalha, a Palestinian Arab psychologist, conducted a study that led him to the conclusion that "in about ten years, a very murderous generation will come of age, full of hatred and ready to die in suicide missions" (10). He claimed that "half of Palestinian children age 6 to 11 dream of becoming suicide bombers" (10).

What can be worse than allowing the fate of already psychologically damaged children to remain in the hands of terrorist groups? And yet, this is exactly what will happen if an Arab state is established in the West Bank and Gaza. Can any objective observer question the outcome of this "nation building?" The only thing that can perhaps be questioned is Dr. Massalha's estimate of the time when a generation filled with murderous hatred will come of age. This age group, younger than 14 years of age, which makes up 49.4% of the Arab population in Gaza and 44.1% in the West Bank, has seen nothing but evil indoctrination, which will certainly continue unabated inside the planned pseudo-state.

This indoctrination is simply part of the glorification of Jihad that is so prevalent in radical Islamic culture across the Arab world. And there is already a clear preference for an Islamic character for this planned surrogate state. In late fall of 2003, given the choice between religious, democratic, socialist, or Arab Nationalist as the main characteristic "fundamental in the future Palestinian State", 56.2% of those polled by the PCPO preferred it to be "religious." A month later, in another poll, in answer to the question "What type of legal marriage arrangement would you prefer there to be in the Palestinian state?" 27.8% had chosen religious polygamy, 50.8% religious monogamy, and 11.4% favored civil with mixed religion marriages. To dispel any doubts regarding the nature of the future "Palestinian state" it is enough to read Article 6 of the recently developed "Palestinian Constitution," that states: "Islam shall be the official religion of the state."

Certainly, the Islamic nature of the state does not bode well for any hope of conciliation. As Cardinal Roberto Tucci commented in Rome at the beginning of November 2003: "Throughout the Islamic world-- on their radios, their televisions, in the media, in the schools-- there is an education toward rabid and malicious anti-Semitism. It is the worst anti-Semitism imaginable, except for the Nazis-- or even equal to that of the Nazis" (11).

Taking into account this long list of troubling signs, which all point to a deeply damaged society, it is quite easy to predict what will happen to the Palestinian Arabs if the world community forces the establishment of an "independent Palestinian state" in the West Bank and Gaza under the rule of the PLO (which is exactly who will end up ruling, in spite of pretenses to the contrary by major world powers). The culture of hatred will flourish among them as never before. Condemned to the enduring rule of terrorist murderers, the Palestinian Arabs will be unable to avoid complete moral destruction. The fertile ground prepared by the last ten years will bear only murderously suicidal behavior as its fruit. The Palestinians will be trapped within their self-destructive ideology and the demise of their society will be inevitable.

(End Part 2 of 3)

Poll: Palestinians Back Terror Even With State. By Janine Zacharia. The Jerusalem Post. 10/24/03

Play For Time. Efraim Inbar. The Jerusalem Post 12/27/03 "Letter of the People", PA TV, June 9, 2002

http://worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=35411

http://www.cwnews.com/news/viewstory.cfm?recnum=25769

02/17/04

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Boris Shusteff is an engineer. He is also a research associate with the Freeman Center for Strategic Studies.

 

 

 

DO NOT CONDEMN THEM

(Why the "Palestinian state" is bad for the Arabs)

(Part 3 of 3)

By Boris Shusteff

In previous parts of the article we have discussed the inevitable destruction of the moral fabric of the Palestinian Arab society of a potential Arab state in the West Bank and Gaza. However, the Arabs will endure not only the moral demise of their society, but they will suffer the misery of collapsing doomed economy, as well. As this author has previously stressed, the issue of economic viability of a future Palestinian state is even today never seriously addressed in the world political arena. It is certainly impossible to discuss this topic comprehensively here; however, we will touch on some important aspects pertaining to the economic viability of a small state. Our task is significantly simplified due to a study conducted by Vladimir Gligorov, Professor of Economics at the Vienna Institute For International Economic Studies. Following the war in Yugoslavia, he prepared a paper on the economic viability of Kosovo, which he presented to the UNA-USA Conference on "Kosovo's Final Status," held in December, 1999 (12). We can use his methods to examine the economic viability of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza.

Gligorov lists several criteria of viability for a small state. He explains that the smaller the state, the more open it should be "both in terms of foreign trade regime and in terms of actual level of foreign trade." Another requirement pertains to the political system of the state: the smaller it is, the more democratic it must be. Discussing the third prerogative Gligorov writes that "legality and rule-based policy should be conducive to the viability of a state." And the fourth condition lies in the self-government of the state: the more opportunities it offers to all its inhabitants the more viable it becomes. If we simply consider the nature of Palestinian Authority governing institutions at the present, it is clear that any potential Palestinian Arab state cannot meet any of the above criteria.

What is more, as Gligorov explains "... a state cannot be viable in the economic sense if it cannot provide for a decent level of employment. Indeed, it may be argued that smaller states, for a number of reasons, should have lower unemployment rates than bigger ones to be economically viable." Even from this perspective, the potential Palestinian Arab state will be stillborn, since by the end of 2002, unemployment among Palestinian Arabs in the West Bank and Gaza had already reached more than 40%, and over 60% of the population were below the poverty line of $2 a day.

It's also important to remember that employment among Palestinian Arabs completely depends on the jobs they can secure in Israel. Meanwhile, Ariel Sharon made clear in his December 18th 2003 Herzliya speech that Israel is planning to substantially reduce the entrance of Palestinian Arabs from the West Bank and Gaza into Israel proper. Therefore, after the establishment of a Palestinian state, unemployment among Palestinian Arabs can only increase, and can easily be extrapolated: according to the UN's Information Center, "on curfew days [imposed by Israel] the non-Jerusalem West Bank unemployment rises as high as 63.3%" (13).

Lost employment opportunities for the Palestinian Arabs in the Jewish state, are not likely to be compensated for inside their surrogate state. This became clear during the last ten years of PLO dictatorship, which, in spite of huge monetary donations from various donors, was unable to build anything even remotely resembling economical infrastructure. And this only underscores another of Gligorov's points, which is that "legality and rule-based policy" are necessary for a state even to successfully absorb economic assistance. From this standpoint, the Palestinian pseudo-entity will not be "economically viable even in limited sense of the ability to absorb in the proper way the international and domestic efforts at reconstruction because of the lack of legal and legitimate institutional infrastructure that cannot be substituted with either institutional or monetary aid" (12).

Nevertheless, for many years now the international community has been pouring huge amounts of money into the PA's coffers, but that money has been disappearing with no positive impact on the lives of the Palestinian Arabs. At an average of almost $200 per person per year (compared to $68 per European annually under the four-year Marshall Plan), aid to the Palestinian Arabs in Judea, Samaria and Gaza represents one of the highest levels of per capita official development assistance anywhere in the world. Since 1993, the PA has received more than $6.5 billion in aid from international donors and at the end of December 2003, donor countries gathered in Rome in order to approve "another $1.2 billion to the Palestinian Authority for the 2004 budget" (14). It appears that $1 billion is the amount needed yearly simply to prevent the complete collapse of the PA economy. This was confirmed by staffers at the UN and the World Bank, who estimated that if the international community pulls out and Israel resumes financial responsibility for the Arabs of the West Bank and Gaza "the basic maintenance, with no extra investment would cost at least $1 billion a year" (15).

This complete dependence on international monetary aid is one of the main signs of the non-viability of a state. According to Gligorov, a state is economically non-viable if international aid is used for people's everyday subsistence, for financing public services, for financing "the trade and current account deficits," and if "recovery of all economic activities ... is yet to happen." One does not need a degree in economics to see that this is an exact description of the potential Palestinian Arab state. Moreover, as Gligorov explains, the barriers to reconstruction and recovery will be insurmountable because this state will not be "an open economy, but an aid and subsistence economy," will be run in a "paternalistic manner" and self-government and public governance will be poor or non-existent.

Gligorov emphasizes several times in his work that for a small state "... to have a viable economy it has to satisfy at least two conditions: First, it has to be integrated with the economies in the region at least in terms of trade and financing. Second, it has to be a democracy, i.e., a system of popular sovereignty has to be put in place and institutionally secured" (12).

It is obvious that the potential "Palestinian state" will fail to satisfy either of these conditions. Even if by some miracle, it manages to develop the rudiments of an economy its integration with other economies in the region will remain highly doubtful. According to the 2002 United Nations Development (UNDP) Report "... despite the many agreements signed between Arab states since 1950s, inter-Arab trade counts for only around seven to ten percent of total Arab trade." To expect that the appearance of another impoverished Arab state will change the whole picture of relations between the Arab countries is completely unrealistic.

With democracy the story is even more obvious. There is no democracy in the Arab world. Period. To hope against hope that the surrogate Palestinian state, governed by terrorist gangs, will become a prototype for Arab democracy, is certainly self-delusion and wishful thinking of the highest degree. And all of this put together brings us to the unfortunate, but unavoidable conclusion, that a Palestinian state in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, will be a complete economic disaster.

This inevitable conclusion evokes very disturbing allusions. Perhaps quite unintentionally, the world community is planning to build an extermination camp for Palestinian Arabs under the cynical name "Palestine." It wants to cram a population of several million people, which exhibits one of the highest growth rates in the world, into two tiny disconnected parcels of land, thus achieving nearly the highest population density on the face of the earth. To settle them in nothing better than a reservation with no drinking water, no natural recourses, nor any hope for a better future for its inhabitants. To create an economically unviable surrogate entity, with millions of miserable people forced to live in utter poverty, goaded by their leaders into being "full of hatred and ready to die in suicide missions."

It is especially disturbing that the idea of establishing a Palestinian Arab state in the West Bank and Gaza is promoted by countless well-meaning people, who have the best intentions, but no understanding of the consequences the establishment of such a state will have. It will be the repetition of the famous legend of the Golem. This clay man was created out of river clay by Rabbi Loew in Prague, in the 16th century, so he would be a servant and guard for the poor and oppressed. But he became a menace to the very public that he was meant to protect and the Rabbi eventually had to unmake his creation, in order to prevent disaster. The Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza will become just such a Golem from which all the well-meaning people will recoil in horror, when they realize what they have created.

However, the inevitable disaster can be prevented. It is not necessary to condemn the Palestinian Arabs to a life in an extermination camp of the surrogate state in the West Bank and Gaza. There exists only one alternative, and it is enough -- separation. If civilized mankind really cares about the well-being of the Palestinian Arabs, it must first and foremost separate them from their leaders. In order to do that, it isn't necessary to reinvent the wheel.

There is a Palestinian Arab state called Jordan, which can accept many of those destined to perish, if they end up being herded into an artificial reservation in the West Bank and Gaza. Freed from political correctness any unbiased observer will admit that Jordan is destined to become "Palestine." Even a senior source within the Iraqi Governing Council said that "the absence of a hostile regime in Baghdad has reduced Israel's strategic dependence on the Hashemite kingdom as a buffer against Iraq, [and] predicted that Jordan would, sooner rather than later, become a Palestinian state" (16).

What is more, at the end of December 2003, Jordanian Prince El Hassan bin Talal, uncle of Jordan's King Abdullah, said in an interview with the Italian newspaper "La Stampa" that "in his opinion Jordan must include all Palestinians" in order to resolve the Middle-East conflict. Therefore, the only obstacle that stands on the road to saving the Palestinian Arabs from the manipulative anti-Israel schemes of their leaders is the world's indifference and an absence of common sense.

Instead of throwing billions of dollars to the wind by transferring money to the PA, these billions can be used for the organized relocation of Palestinian Arabs into Jordan. For instance, instead of wasting $1 billion each year to support the tottering PA economy, the money can be used to guarantee painless resettlement every year of 100,000 Palestinian Arabs in Jordan. Three quarters of this amount - $750 million - can be given to Jordan for development of housing, infrastructure, allocations for social services for the relocated people and other purposes. The remainder can be distributed among the 100,000 people to be relocated. This will come to $2,500 per person or $20,000 per family, assuming an average family size of eight. Since the average monthly salary in Jordan for a skilled worker is $275 and for an engineer is $550 (17), this means that an average relocated family will receive seven times the yearly salary of a skilled worker or three times that of an engineer. This is simply unimaginable, compared with the $2 a day for the over 60% of Palestinian Arabs, who live below the poverty line.

The money transferred in this way to Jordan will be extremely helpful to its economy, especially since Iraqi oil is no longer available to it at pre-war discounts. The CIA fact book says that "... the US-led war in Iraq in 2003 dealt an economic blow to Jordan, which was dependent on Iraq for discounted oil. It remains unclear how Jordan will finance energy imports in the absence of such a deal."

In one easy move, by taking the course of resettling the Palestinian Arabs in Jordan, the world community has a unique opportunity to save the lives of millions of these destitute people, resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict, and help Jordan economy to overcome a looming economic disaster (caused by the disappearance of cheap Iraqi oil). The alternative is to condemn the Palestinian Arabs to destruction. The alternative is millions more victims of hunger, violence and misery, similar to what we see today in Zimbabwe, Congo and comparably failed projects. The alternative is murder and death.

http://www.unausa.org/issues/kosovo/rome/

http://www.escwa.org.lb/information/press/un/2002/august/30.html

Palestinian Aid Audit. By Rachel Ehrenfeld. Washington Times 12/13/03

PA Collapse Would Leave at Least $1 Billion Annual Bill for Israel, Western Officials Warn. The Jewish Ledger. 12/25/03

Iraq to weigh returning Jewish property. The Jerusalem Post 12/25/03

http://www.altajamouat.com/jordan11.php

02/17/04

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Boris Shusteff is an engineer. He is also a research associate with the Freeman Center for Strategic Studies.