By Elyakim Haetzni

After the failure of the Camp David Summit it is difficult to suppress one's amazement over how the Peace Camp can persist in sustaining its quasi-religious faith and devotion to an impossible peace. Whoever scorns Religious-Zionists as "Messianic" and detached from reality, is the proverbial pot calling the kettle black.

It was proven at Camp David for example that the old mantra which proclaims that "the Palestinian problem is the heart of the conflict" is not credit-worthy. Suddenly Barak was reduced to an itinerant pan-handler, knocking on Egyptian and Jordanian doors, and beseeching them to allow Arafat to make concessions in Jerusalem. As Arafat himself announces: "I am not the proprietor."

In 1987 at a conference in Amman, Assad stated: "Palestine is mine - part of Syria. There was never an independent state called Palestine." And Hussein responded: "The appearance of a distinct national personality emerged for the purpose of rebutting the Israeli argument that Palestine is Jewish. But the truth of the matter is that one cannot deviate from the national Arab framework".(Maariv 30.11.87).

Zuhir Muhsein. head of the Operations Department of the P.L.O. related in an interview with the Dutch paper "Trouw"(31.3.77). "We take pains to emphasize our Palestinian identity only for tactical purposes, because it is in the national interest of the people to encourage a separate Palestinian identity in order to counterpose it to Zionism. The establishment of a separate Palestinian state is a new tool in the continuing struggle against Israel."

Only the Jews, against whom the Palestinian Golem was fabricated, are today more Palestinian than the Palestinians, and it is precisely Jordan that considers itself threatened by Barak's assent to forego the Jordan Valley and create a Palestinian-controlled border on the Jordan.

Another example: Those who consider themselves realists never wished to understand that they had imported from Tunis to Israel the very incarnation of the refugee problem. From where did they draw their faith that Arafat would betray those in whose name and for whose sake he lives and breathes for almost 50 years? In this manner, to his utter stupefication, the refugee problem blew up in Barak's face. Just as the Hashomer Hatzair Kibbutzim cannot grasp how entire Arab clans, the previous owners of the kibbutz lands, suddenly descend in the kibbutzniks' backyards these days.

Only a true believer refuses to see the Kalashnikov rifles which we bestowed on the Palestinians firing at us, doesn't understand - despite Arab violence upon the opening of the temple tunnel or commemorating the Palestinian "Nakba-day of disaster" (a.k.a. Israel's Independence Day), despite the armed Fatah Tanzim militia and Arafat's calls for "Jihad" - that the Palestinians conceive of peace merely as an interlude between acts of violence. That the Palestinians don't view peace as we do. That for them, peace is not an independent fundamental, an absolute value, fit to serve as a substitute for Security, as epitomized in the Peace Camp's mantra "Peace equals Security."

Only a sight-afflicted person can ignore what the Palestinians write in their press about the extermination of Israel and what their children are taught from kindergarten age. "He shouldn't have said that", responded Peres when they cited to him one of the ghastly statements made by Arafat. Did he ever ask himself, what if Arafat also means what he says?"

In one segment of the "Historic Hours" series, broadcast on Armed Forces Radio, Professor Michael Har-Segor identified in Stalin-worship religious features. For without religious traits, how could it happen that an entire intellectual stratum all over the Western World blindly believed in Stalin? It is not superfluous to add that many acolytes of this "religion" were Jews. Take the case of two (of many) Jewish Communists who were executed during the Stalinist terror: The one murmured - "Shma Yisrael"-"Hear O Israel", the second, General Yakir, shouted: "Long live Stalin". There has to be either a synagogue or a red church in the vicinity, for without some sort of faith a Jew apparently can't make it.

A similarity exists between the illusory Marxist-Stalinist dream and the ideology of the Peace Camp. Both pride themselves as sagacious realists who abhor mysticism("religion – opium for the masses"), and yet both display tendencies towards messianism and blind faith. The very same Kibbutzim, the same intellectual circles in the cities, which were once Marxist citadels, are today the bastions of the peace militants. A similarity also exists between the axiomatic slogans, the "mantras": In bygone days they chanted "When you chop down trees- chips fly" - to justify Stalinist terror. Today, they recite: "One makes peace only with one's enemies", to reconcile the people to Arafat's terrorism. Both arrogate to themselves proprietorship to the future, deride their opponents as "the people of yesterday" ("the forces of reaction" in the idiom of yesterday's purges). Both view themselves as the "world of tomorrow". "New Times" was the title of a major Bolshevik journal, a "New Middle East" is the dream of the Peace Camp, and this is mere echo to the refrain in the Communist-socialist hymn, the "Internationale": "To its very foundations, the old world we will destroy."

After the Camp David cave in, whoever still dreams of a formal peace, whoever pursues the path of concessions and withdrawals, so that his eyes may behold the "Solution" and the "End of the Conflict", resembles the believer who hopes to behold the "End of the Days". But the latter's belief, if proven false, is harmless, whereas the former's belief involves a suicidal wager.


Elyakim Haetzni is an attorney and Jewish activist who lives in Kiryat Arba.

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