A PLAN TO SOLVE THE
DEMOGRAPHIC PROBLEM

By Professor Paul Eidelberg

INTRODUCTION

Because Israel's secular and religious parties pander to Arab voters and Knesset members, Arab influence on the laws and policies of the supposed-to-be Jewish state will become even more decisive in view of the prolific Arab birthrate. Moreover, leftwing parties can always outbid the nationalist camp for the Arab vote. Indeed, given the diminishing percentage of secular versus religious Jews in Israel the Left must appease Arabs to gain and retain power.

Regardless of the future status of the "territories," the internal demographic problem will continue to fester. Unless this problem is addressed now, Israel will be Lebanized.

No plan addressed to the Arab demographic problem will succeed if it fails to use the lexicon of democracy, which today is indiscriminately egalitarian and manipulated by the Left. Our Plan not only uses democratic language, but any opponents of the Plan will appear anti-democratic and even racist! Hence the tables will be turned on the Left.

However, such is the magnitude of the demographic problem that no plan can be effective unless pursued by a well-financed organization. Such an organization will be necessary given the legislative actions, law suits, and international publicity specified in the Plan. Indeed, success requires that each step of the Plan be preceded and accompanied by extensive media coverage.

The PLAN

I. THE CITIZENSHIP LAW OF 1952.

This law empowers the Minister of Interior to revoke the citizenship of any Israel national who "has committed an act involving disloyalty to the State." The law is vague and needs to be amended (as indicated below).

As in all other countries, naturalized citizens, as well as all public officials, are required to take an oath of loyalty. Accordingly, the amended Citizenship Law will require all citizens of Israel--Jewish and non-Jewish--to take the following oath:

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully abide by the laws of the State of Israel. I do further swear (or affirm) that I will neither aid nor abet any political or religious party, group, or organization, or any foreign government, that advocates hatred or violence toward the State of Israel, its citizens or residents, Jewish or non-Jewish. I do further swear (or affirm) that I reject any political or religious precept that advocates hatred or violence toward the State of Israel, its citizens or residents, Jewish or non-Jewish."

II. EXEMPTIONS FROM NATIONAL SERVICE

Exempting Arabs from military and civilian national service violates the democratic principle of equality. This applies to religious Jews (such as the Haredim).

Those enjoying the rights of citizenship should fulfill the duties of citizenship. The objection that Israel's Arab citizens would have to fight other Arabs in any Middle East war is groundless. If the paramount loyalty of these Arabs is not to the State of Israel, then it is both reasonable and just that they forfeit their citizenship--at least their right to vote and hold any public office.

As regards the Haredim--some of whom do serve in the army--they may also serve in a separate military battalion and/or perform civilian national service.

III. THE PLAN'S METHOD

After solid publicity, a select Knesset member (perhaps Michael Kleiner) will table a bill, the effect of which would require Arabs to serve in the IDF, just as Jews do. In other words, there will be no religious or ethnic discrimination as regards the duty of Jews and non-Jews to perform military and/or civilian national service. (The type of military service will be determined by the Defense Ministry.)

The probable defeat of the bill (or its being killed in committee) must be anticipated in the publicity preceding the bill's introduction. Indeed, it should be made known that if the bill is defeated (or ignored), a suit will be taken to the Supreme Court. At the same time, the public will be informed that the Court may dismiss the suit on the (specious) grounds that it involves a "political" rather than a justiciable issue.

Assume the bill will be defeated, primarily by votes of the Left. The Left can then be readily and rightly exposed as anti-Jewish racists, as anti-democratic, and as currying the favor of the Arabs for self-serving purposes. And if the Left raises the point about Israeli Arabs fighting other Arabs in any war, so much the better to expose the disloyalty of the former.

A "class-action" suit will be submitted to the Supreme Court by several Israeli soldiers and/or inductees, including American-born Israeli and Druze citizens. The suit will cite previous Court decisions based on equality. Nevertheless, even though the Court has declared that "Any discrimination on grounds of ... religion or ideological conviction ... is prohibited to every authority acting under law," the suit will probably be rejected as a "political" as opposed to a justiciable issue.

Our select Knesset member will then table a bill requiring those who fail to perform military service to perform civilian national service. This may pass if preceded by the right kind of publicity. Otherwise, a second "class-action" suit will be submitted to the Supreme Court. It will surely be more difficult for the Court to dismiss this suit.

IV. CONSEQUENCES

Even if all the above measures fail, this will facilitate the development of a coalition of extra-parliamentary nationalist groups to rectify the Arab problem. Assuming success, however, the above mentioned loyalty oath would be required of all persons performing military or civilian national service.

Many Arabs will take these oaths. Those that serve loyally pose no problem--except to themselves, for they will be branded by other Arabs as "collaborators," a stigma having unpleasant consequences. Arabs refusing to take these oaths and serve in military or civilian national service will forfeit their citizenship as prescribed by law. Arabs that do serve but commit any act of disloyalty will be subject to the penalties of the law, including loss of citizenship.

As noted above, the Citizenship Law provides for the revocation of citizenship of any Israel national "who has committed an act involving disloyalty to the State of Israel." The term "act" is vague. It should be defined by an amendment to include (a) acts intended to impair Israel's security or welfare, such as serving in a terrorist organization whose aim is to destroy life and property in Israel; (b) aiding or abetting any terrorist who has committed, or plans to commit, an act of violence against the State of Israel; (c) advocating, or supporting any individual, group, or nation that advocates, the destruction of the State of Israel; (d) actively participating in any campaign of hatred toward the State of Israel.

V. OTHER CONSIDERATIONS

Notice that the Plan does not entail any discrimination between Jews and non-Jews. Indeed, one can even exploit the Left's objective of making Israel a conventional, secular democratic state by insisting that the democratic principle of equality precludes religious or ethnic discrimination regarding military and/or civilian national service.

Given a well-financed organization, the legislative and legal steps outlined in the Plan can be executed in less than a year. Moreover, the mere initiation of this Plan could disrupt the murderous "peace process" and enable Israel to go on the ideological offensive in relation to Arab dictatorships.

Finally, whether the Plan succeeds or not, its execution will arouse public support for a Constitution that will resolve the Arab problem and preserve Israel's Jewish character. Such a Constitution has been designed by the present writer.



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